Skilled Nursing Care
|   | ![]() |
Federal quality assurance standards that have been in the implementation stage for several years offer hope for more rigorous oversight of skilled nursing facilities. |
![]() | While some improvement in fine collections has occurred, the state citation system lacks a strong enough bite to make providing quality care not merely a humane practice but also a sound business decision. | |
![]() | Inadequate staffing requirements, artificial barriers to the use of some types of health care providers and a less-than-robust response to consumer complaints continue to plague the skilled nursing care system. | |
![]() | Overlapping state and federal regulations are an all-but-incomprehensible maze for consumers, facilities and state enforcers. |
Skilled Nursing Care
Finding 3: Federal mandates for skilled nursing facilities have brought an improved process to
monitoring quality of care -- but many previously identified issues remain unresolved and others
are developing as the role of these institutions shifts to a higher level of care.
Under recently issued federal regulations, skilled nursing facilities (SNFs) are judged by their
ability to provide the least restrictive, most socially stimulating environment that a person's
condition, desire and needs allow. The State's process of holding SNFs to this standard holds
great promise. But many of the problems identified in previous Little Hoover Commission
reports continue to exist and have immense negative impact on people's lives. As the role of
SNFs shifts more from long-term custodial care for chronically ill people to short-term
rehabilitative care for recently acutely ill people, the State has an opportunity to recast the
policies and programs that make these institutions the most costly, least consumer-desired long-term care option.
In 1987, Congress passed a nursing home reform package known as OBRA 87 (Omnibus Budget
Reconciliation Act of 1987) that focused on improving the quality of care and life for skilled
nursing facility residents. The new outcome-based directives required nursing homes to assess
residents as they entered the facility, plan a course of action that would meet the multiple needs
of residents and take actions that were responsive to residents' wishes, capabilities and changing
status. Among the reforms OBRA 87 required were:(88)

California Record
In California, the first response by
the State was to insist that state
regulations were already more
comprehensive and that, therefore,
the federal mandate could be
ignored. In a lawsuit that became
known as the Valdivia case,
consumer advocates demanded
that the State enforce the new
federal requirements.(89) A
preliminary injunction was issued
against the State and eventually in
1993 an agreement was reached
that required the State to enforce
the federal regulations.
The State's resistance was
matched by the federal
government's lethargy. While
OBRA 87 originally required the
implementation of the new
program by 1990, the federal
government was still issuing major
portions of enabling regulations in
July 1995. State officials, who
began enforcing the regulations as
they emerged, told the Little
Hoover Commission that even
now there are elements of the
program still missing but that in
general the structure is well in
place to inspect skilled nursing
facilities for compliance with
federal mandates.
The time of transition --
overlaying the new federal system
on to the state one, which has been
supplemented rather than
supplanted -- has not always gone
smoothly, as evidenced by several studies:
The State also was scrutinized from the outside by the agency in the best position to determine if
California is doing a good job of meeting federal mandates. The Health Care Financing
Administration (HCFA) evaluation of the State's efforts for October 1, 1994 through September
30, 1995 struck a positive note initially by praising California's efforts:
Fiscal year 1995 brought significant changes to the survey and certification process as new Long-Term Care enforcement regulations were implemented. The success of the implementation depended upon the total commitment of state survey agencies and close coordination with HCFA. The California survey agency managed the implementation, which required extensive training of the survey and management staff, as well as provider and consumer organizations, in an outstanding manner.(92)
But the evaluation found that the
State did not meet federal
standards, "narrowly missing the
acceptable performance level."
The evaluation said there was
"relatively close agreement"
between the State's survey results
and the federal government's
recheck of the institutions -- but
the statistics cited gave little
comfort to consumer advocates
who reviewed the report. It said
that in 21 of the 34 facilities
reviewed by the federal
government in the footsteps of the
state surveys, HCFA took its own
enforcement action -- and in 14 of
the 21 facilities that the State had
cleared, HCFA determined there
was substandard care.
Continued training and experience
with the new system, however,
will undoubtedly lead to more
conformity with the federal
government's expectations. In
reviewing the survey process, the
Little Hoover Commission noted
that there are multiple elements
that provide a solid structure for
performing rigorous and
productive assessments of skilled
nursing facilities.
For instance, the survey team has a
well-orchestrated list of duties it
must accomplish and statistical
sampling criteria that it must meet
-- but the system also has room for
flexibility when a survey team
member notes something unusual
or unexpected.
Perhaps even more encouraging
are the new higher standards for
the Plan of Correction that
facilities must submit in response
to citations. In past years, Plans of
Correction appeared to mostly
consist of rote statements pledging to do in-service training on whatever the problem was. Under
the federal system, the Plan of Correction must explain 1) how they will handle the problem with
residents who were found to be affected, 2) how they will identify other residents who have the
potential for being affected by the same problem, 3) what measures the facility will put into place
to ensure similar problems do not occur in the future for anyone and 4) how the facility will
monitor its corrective actions to ensure that they have effectively changed the system.
While the new system holds out great hope for the future, whether it will live up to its potential
cannot yet be determined. However, the Little Hoover Commission noted in its current study
that many past problems and recommendations remain valid, new problems are arising and
potential solutions are emerging.
Ongoing Problems
The Little Hoover Commission examined the State's oversight of skilled nursing facilities in
1983, 1987, 1989 and 1991, in each case issuing critical reports with recommendations for
reforms. In addition, the Commission conducted an oversight hearing in 1993 and put together a
package of legislation based on that hearing and prior recommendations. Despite some progress,
particularly in the area of patients' rights, many of the recommendations remain unfulfilled and
the same problems persist.
In some instances, incremental reform has occurred but the underlying conditions still warrant
further reform. For instance, for years the Commission has complained that the State's computer
resources are so antiquated that fines cannot be tracked and collected adequately. During this
study, the Commission found that dramatic improvements have been made in the State's
computer abilities -- but fines continue to be waived or halved in accordance with law, watering
down their impact on the industry and their ability to satisfy consumer demands for equity,
justice or retribution.
After reviewing materials, discussing key issues on skilled nursing facilities with the
Commission's advisory committee and meeting with experts, the Commission believes the
following problems still persist and are well documented in its prior reports:
Growing Issues
The nature of long-term care is changing, as has been described in the beginning sections of this
report. Consumers are pushing for more home- and community-based care, and settings that are
not paternalistic, dehumanizing and devoid of consumer control. Concurrently, skilled nursing
facilities are turning their attention to what has become known as subacute care -- the more-lucrative treatment required by people who have been recently hospitalized but are not yet ready
to return to their homes. At the same time, citizens are demanding more accountability -- as
taxpayers for the money they spend on long-term care and as consumers for the quality of care
that is provided in facilities.
These trends suggest three areas that may be ripe for reform: the use of allied professionals in
facilities, the need for civil liability remedies and the desirability of streamlining regulations.
On the other hand, these same professionals are territorial in their concern that alternative types
of health care providers -- known as allied professionals -- not be allowed to give treatment
independently. The result is that dental hygienists, nurse practitioners and other educated and
trained professionals are often blocked from providing needed services in skilled nursing
facilities.
For almost a decade, dental hygienists have engaged in a pilot project in skilled nursing facilities
to demonstrate that residents' quality of living can be improved with direct care to the residents
and oral care training for facility staff provided by hygienists. Despite their documented success
and the popularity of the program with skilled nursing facilities, the dental hygienists have not
been able to get past dentists' opposition to win the ability to operate independently in these
facilities.
The California Dental Association is surveying its membership to determine the level of
involvement with skilled nursing facilities, plans to develop training modules for skilled nursing
facility staff and plans to encourage dental schools to discuss gerontological issues as part of
their curriculum. But none of these actions address the fact that most skilled nursing facilities do
not have a means of providing their residents with regular, reliable dental care.
It is beyond the focus of this study to delve into scope-of-practice issues, trying to determine who
is qualified to deliver what type of treatment. But as pressure mounts to shift the focus of skilled
nursing facilities away from medical models, it appears sensible to open the doors to different
kinds of treatment providers, especially when there is a documented void in care.
One new mechanism for making regulatory compliance more attractive to facilities is the federal
government's use of the False Claims Act. In a 1996 case that was settled out of court, the
federal government sued a facility for providing inadequate care to three residents and then
billing the government through Medicaid and Medicare for normal charges. The government's
posture was that by submitting the claims, the facility was certifying that it had rendered care
consistent with state and federal requirements.(93)
It is unknown whether the federal government will make such suits a standard practice. If so, it
would simply add another governmental mechanism for deterring noncompliant care. But many
consumer advocates told the Little Hoover Commission that empowering residents and their
families to pursue civil remedies for claims of harm, with proportionately serious financial
remedies, would add an effective weapon to the drive for higher quality care. And as described
in Finding 1 under the discussion about regulatory effectiveness, providing the private sector
with access to the quality control process would strengthen the opportunities for regulations to
work as intended.
Both the industry and the Department of Health Services are engaged in reviews of state and
federal regulations to see what streamlining can be accomplished. While consumer advocates
have legitimate concerns that reform in the regulatory arena not mean a lessening of standards,
common sense argues that no one benefits from a convoluted, multi-layered regulatory scheme
that is difficult for industry to follow, consumers to understand and the State to enforce.
Summary
Regulation of skilled nursing facilities is undergoing transition as outcome-oriented federal
mandates begin to mold state oversight and industry practices. Many of the provisions of federal
law hold great promise for improving conditions in skilled nursing facilities. But many problems
remain, some documented in prior studies and others growing more evident as the long-term care
industry grows and changes. While it is too early to judge the eventual impact of federal
requirements, state policy makers can still take steps to improve conditions in facilities that
house some of the State's most vulnerable citizens.
Recommendations
Recommendation 3-A: The Governor and the Legislature should take steps to
move medical care in long-term care settings from the costly reactive model to
the more economical, preventive model, including encouraging the use of allied
health professionals when appropriate.
There is little value in protecting the turf of professionals who do not want to provide service in a
long-term care setting but who are loathe to see their competitors gain a foothold. Allied health
professionals, such as dental hygienists, nurse practitioners and physician assistants, can play a
valuable role in providing preventive health care and alerting the appropriate professionals to the
needs of residents in skilled nursing facilities. They should be given the opportunity to do so.
Recommendation 3-B: The Governor and the Legislature should strengthen the
opportunities, incentives and requirements for high quality performance by
skilled nursing facility staff.
It is difficult to operate effectively in a setting that is understaffed, has incomplete or inadequate
training and provides no opportunity for advancement. The following steps would address those
concerns:
Recommendation 3-C: The Governor and the Legislature should enhance the
State's enforcement capability by eliminating counterproductive provisions in
the citation and fine system, directing more frequent use of alternative tools and
creating a more effective civil liability remedy.
Specific steps that policy makers should take include:
These and similar reforms are supported by the California Senior Legislature in its 1997 list of
priorities and the California Advocates for Nursing Home Reform.
Recommendation 3-D: The Governor and the Legislature should create a more
responsive complaint investigation and resolution process that is separate from
the licensing and technical advice function.
The reality is that the Department of Health Services is neither adequately funded nor staffed to
be responsive to consumer complaints -- and the perception is that their interest is more aligned
with encouraging industry to comply than providing aggressive enforcement. In addition, the
current process is heavily weighted toward due process for industry rather than adequate concern
for consumers. Restructuring the process and placing it at some distance from the licensing
function -- such as at the Attorney General's Office or in the Department of Consumer Affairs --
would address these issues. This reform could be tracked and assessed for effectiveness over
time.
Recommendation 3-E: The Governor and the Legislature should eliminate
duplicate regulations and streamline the oversight process while ensuring that
no deterioration in the quality of care occurs.
It is counterproductive to have more than one set of regulations governing an industry and to
layer complexity with redundancies. Regulations should be focused on outcomes, allow for
flexibility of methods, lend themselves to consistency of interpretation and be easily understood
by industry, consumers and state workers.