| Through the education finance system, California holds schools accountable for inputs and process -- not for results. | ||
| Realigning financing with educational goals requires redefining accountability measures and then providing incentives for schools that perform well. | ||
| Court rulings, voter initiatives and legislative mandates have steadily pushed the State into controlling ever-increasing portions of the education system. | ||
| Local accountability goes hand-in-hand with local authority -- but with the State controlling the purse-strings, districts can easily shift the blame for any shortcomings. |
Redirecting Accountability
Finding 3: Because there is no way to judge schools on academic results, the
State focuses on fiscal accountability for process and inputs -- often to the
detriment of educational efforts.
When school districts violate sound fiscal policy, California has
a mechanism for taking over and bringing the operations back
to financial health. But when districts repeatedly fail to
produce the outcome that education is all about -- students with a solid
base of knowledge and skills -- there is no remedy. The State's system
instead focuses on accountability for process and inputs: Did the district
provide the correct number of instructional minutes and school days?
Were categorical funds spent on the proper services? Did the district
comply with teacher-to-student ratios and administrator-to-teacher
ratios? Since these are the questions by which they are judged, districts
spend substantial time, energy and resources getting the answers right.
Unfortunately, no research has indicated that these are the factors that
improve student learning.
Lacking statewide standards and assessment tools, the State has
embarked on a path to create a system to judge school performance.
The Commission for the Establishment of Academic Content and
Performance Standards -- created by policy makers in 1995 -- is
developing standards for each grade level in reading, writing, math,
science, social science and history. Adoption of the standards is
expected to be followed by the development of appropriate assessment
tests. Once in place, these can be used to rate the performance of
schools, identify those that are falling below standard and target
resources -- through either rewards or sanctions or both -- to achieve
improvement.
The adoption of an outcome-based assessment system, however, will
not spread to the education financing system without active intervention
by policy makers. There is no automatic feature of meeting academic
standards that would allow districts to cut back on paperwork, relax
their vigilance on prescribed inputs or loosen their approach to creative
teaching methods. It is quite conceivable, instead, that districts will be
asked to be accountable in new meaningful ways while continuing to
comply with old accountability measurements long after many
researchers have determined that they have little value or connection to
education.
This finding examines the literature on accountability measures and the
steps other states have taken in shifting their attention to outcome. The
focus is on how school finance systems can be aligned with outcome
measurements, rather than on what standards should be and how
assessments should be designed -- issues that are already under debate
elsewhere.
Standards
Setting standards is generally a two-part process. "Content" standards
define what students should know in different subject areas at
different grade levels. "Performance" standards set criteria for how well
students must learn the material described in the content standards.(91)
The two work hand-in-hand, as can be seen easily with a physical
education example: A content standard might require eighth graders to
be able to run a mile. The performance standard might require them to
do it within 10 minutes. The content standard without performance
criteria would be fairly meaningless, since it would take little physical
conditioning to cover a mile in half an hour.(92)
Standards in academic
areas are often less clear
cut, but still need both
parts. For instance, a
reading content standard
for the sixth grade might
require students to be able
to summarize a short
story, identify its theme
and describe the writer's
techniques for building
plot, character and
setting. The matching
performance standard
might require 90 percent
of all students to achieve
a 90 percent rating on the
assessment tool that
measures this content
standard.
Nearly every state is developing core-academic standards for students
as part of a move towards providing education that is relevant to the
needs of today's workplace. Researchers note that while the
commitment to developing standards is strong, most states have yet to
develop meaningful assessment tools -- nor have they linked
accountability to academic standards.(93)
This does not mean that assessment is not taking place -- merely that
the how and what of meaningful assessment are still being argued.
Forty-five states have statewide assessment tests. Forty-two require
conventional, multiple choice tests. In 1994, 24 states offered
performance-based tests -- non-multiple-choice tests that allow
assessment of higher-level thinking skills. Three of those programs,
including the California Learning Assessment System test, were later
canceled after disagreements about their reliability and appropriateness.(94)
Twenty-one states -- California is not included -- require high school
students to pass a test with a minimum score to graduate.(95)
While substantial energy is being directed at determining standards that everyone can agree on and that reflect skills needed in the post-school world, some are looking ahead to how to connect the standards to the way schools operate. Economists who look to business-world models believe schools need to be placed in systems that will direct their energies toward three principles:(96)
Efficient use of resources -- Available resources should be used to maximize student performance. The costs and benefits of various approaches to education should be analyzed, and resources should be invested in things that make a difference in children's learning outcomes.
Performance incentives -- Systems should reward results. Teachers and other school personnel have a great ability to affect school performance, but nothing in existing systems encourages their creativity. Once goals and measurement systems are in place, those who take action to reach goals should benefit. Such a system focuses efforts on improving education by establishing incentives for educators rather than on processing paperwork or moving children through the grades.
Continuous learning and adaptation -- Because today's education system typically involves top-down, rigid structures, there is little opportunity for educators to take what they have learned and alter programs to improve them. The education system needs to have the flexibility to allow innovation, assessment of results and then feedback-prompted changes. This cycle of continuous improvement is well-recognized in the business world as a key to long-term success.
Another book echoes the business-world theme, focusing on educators
as "front-line workers" who should have a clear understanding of goals,
jobs that provide them with incentives and opportunities to contribute to
solutions, and training needed to pursue solutions effectively. Progress
can then be measured on a regular basis and lessons learned from
experience can be incorporated in future approaches. The authors argue
that when systems focus on these elements, the people within the
system can use expertise
and resources to move
toward goals. When
systems are focused
elsewhere, such as on
inputs, any new resources
go toward simply
providing more of the
same services, whether
those services are
effective or not.(97)
Other researchers place a strong emphasis on the linkage between standards, financing structures and accountability systems. In an article that examines how more resources could be best used in schools, the authors write that policy makers should focus on:(98)
Specifying clear goals and high standards.
Supporting and facilitating local educational decision making designed to meet the individual needs of a school's specific student population.
Developing a funding system that ensures that all schools have the resources to provide their students with the educational opportunities necessary for success.
Creating an accountability system built around ongoing evaluation and improvement.
Two other researchers argue that because there have been no clear goals, schools have failed to focus on results. This has caused educators to concentrate more on providing services than on reaching educational goals. They write:
This orientation produces a focus on finding new areas where money must be spent -- such as student nutrition, parent involvement, professional development or child care -- rather than on direct education services. These areas may be very worthy, but they ignore the key question of how to allocate scarce current and new resources to boost student achievement.(99)
These researchers conclude that the financing strategies of the past did
little to meet the demands of equity and are even less structured to meet
the future demands for results-oriented outcomes. Finance systems now
focused on inputs need to be reconstructed to reinforce education
agendas that center on outcomes at the school site. They advocate
setting statewide fiscal equity; earmarking funding for development of
teacher and organizational capacity to teach a high-standards curriculum
and for student assessment; and directing most funds to the school level
for maximum flexibility to meet clear goals.(100)
Some states have already embarked on the types of changes described
above, refocusing accountability through incentives and outcome
measurements. For most, the results have been mixed and the process
of refinement is still going on.
Other States
When education experts talk about outcome-based systems,
Kentucky takes center stage. When the Kentucky Supreme Court
threw out the entire education system as unconstitutionally inadequate
(as described in the Background section of this report), the Kentucky
Legislature made the most of the opportunity to start from scratch.
Recognized as one of the most sweeping reforms of education, the system is built around an assessment tool called the Kentucky Instructional Results Information System (KIRIS). Rand Corporation, which is providing an ongoing evaluation of the reform, describes the system:
KIRIS exemplifies several key themes of current assessment-based reform. It relies largely on "performance assessment" -- that is, assessment formats other than multiple choice. It measures student achievement against standards for expected performance, and those standards are intentionally set high relative to the current distribution of performance. It is a "high-stakes" assessment, although the direct consequences are for educators and schools rather than for students: financial rewards for schools whose KIRIS scores improve sufficiently, and (in the near future) sanctions for schools that fail to improve.(101)
The Kentucky system tests learning in reading, writing, math, science,
social studies, arts and humanities, practical living and vocational
studies, as well as assessing attendance, retention at grade level,
dropout rates and post-secondary transitions to work or higher
education. A high proficiency standard was set for all students and each
school has been given twenty years to progress to proficiency, at a rate
of at least one-tenth toward the goal each two years. Schools that
improve at a faster rate receive financial rewards. Schools progressing
below standard must develop improvement plans, and schools at the
lowest level are judged in crisis and receive state leadership and
improvement funds.(102)
The implementation of the new Kentucky system, which includes not
only multiple-choice testing but also essay questions, group performance
and portfolios, is not problem-free. Rand's early report on attitudes of
teachers and principals indicates that some parts of the assessment --
the group activities -- appear to have limited value. Others -- the
portfolios -- are subject to variations in assessment.
In addition, Rand reports that nearly half the teachers they interviewed
believe the curriculum frameworks are not specific enough to guide
instructional activities in a way that is aligned with assessment. And
many believe that schools are finding ways to inflate test score
improvements without actually improving education.(103)
Mississippi chose to focus its accountability system on districts rather
than schools. Each district is given a ranking of one to five each year,
with levels one and two considered inadequate. The rankings are based
on test scores and process requirements. For a district to reach an
acceptable ranking of three, students must have 70 percent correct
answers on open-ended tests and must not fall below the thirty-second
percentile for standardized, norm-referenced tests. In addition, districts
must comply 100 percent with process regulations. Districts falling
below the criteria receive intensive assistance from the state; districts
at levels four and five win freedom from various regulations.
At least one powerful incentive for improvement in Mississippi was that
the statewide association of athletics would not allow schools to
compete if they lost accreditation. But critics of the state's system say
that level three, where most of the districts sit each year, is a minimal
standard that does little to raise academic achievement.(104)
Like Kentucky, South Carolina is trying financial incentives. The state's
School Incentive Award Program provides about $4 million to about 250
schools that make the largest achievement gains compared to similar
schools. The program has been so successful in motivating improved
performance that legislators there are considering releasing multiple-year
winners from state regulatory requirements as a further reward.(105)
Indiana has a similar program -- but there the incentive affect may be
fairly minimal since almost all schools meet high enough standards to
achieve awards. The state distributed $3.2 million in 1993-94 to 1,032
of the state's 1,077 schools.(106)
South Carolina couples its incentive system with a sanction for low-performing districts. Those with poor test results, low attendance and/or
high drop-out rates can be declared "impaired districts" that must follow
state recommendations for improvement. Few districts fall into this
category.(107)
Programs like South Carolina that involve forced state-level intervention
for poor academic results are referred to as "academic bankruptcy"
provisions. The Education Commission of the States lists 20 states that
have academic bankruptcy laws, with varying degrees of sanctions for
failing districts. Most states provide for multiple warnings and increased
financial aid for districts before any state takeover occurs. Many of the
states that have academic bankruptcy provisions for low performance
also have financial rewards for high performance.(108)
Illinois places poor-performing schools on an Academic Watch List.
After four years without improvement, schools may lose funding or the
state may appoint an independent authority to operate the district. The
state may redirect the assignment of students to other schools -- or it
may "non-recognize" a school or district. A non-recognized district
automatically dissolves and is realigned into another district. Absorbing
a failing district into a more successful one is also a provision of the
Arkansas, Texas,
Oklahoma and Iowa
academic bankruptcy
programs.
The academic bankruptcy
concept has been joined
by what is referred to as
reconstitution -- the
replacement of
superintendents, principals
and teachers. In Missouri
certificated staff can be
placed under probationary
contracts and in New
Jersey both school board
members and top
administrators can be
replaced when these
states' academic
bankruptcy laws are
applied.(109) Under court
desegregation agreements,
both San Francisco and
Cleveland have adopted policies of reconstituting the staff of schools
that remain poorly performing after three years of oversight, and Texas
has used the method in at least one school to turn results around.
Reconstitution is a controversial sanction, however. Critics say that
rarely are teachers or principals the whole cause of a school's problems.
But many others believe the fresh start gives schools a chance to rise
above whatever their problems are.(110)
More than 80 percent of the states say they are developing, piloting or
implementing new approaches to accountability, according to
researchers. But few states have actually moved ahead with wholesale
reforms -- and those that have implemented change are still in a shake-down, revision period that keeps them from being a definitive role model
for other states. Nonetheless, there are identifiable steps and
considerations that can be taken into account when planning reform.
Path to Reform
While many experts are clear on the need to change accountability
measures, advice on how to do so is usually general rather than
specific. But to shift accountability successfully appears to involve two
steps: redefining what schools should be held accountable for and then
providing incentives and rewards for schools that perform well.
The first step, redefining accountability measures, requires clear goals
and assessments to
measure those goals. This
is not an easy process.
Assessments that
measure items not
connected with desirable
outcomes can skew the
decisions that educators
make. This conclusion
was supported by a Rand
study based on interviews
with school principals
participating in a reform
effort known as New
American Schools at 140
schools across the nation.
The study examined how
school accountability
systems aid or impede
innovative practices. In
general, the principals
reported that standardized
multiple-choice tests
caused teachers to focus
on test-taking skills and test drills rather than the knowledge, skills and
thinking behaviors that education reform efforts are promoting. On the
other hand, performance-based tests appear to help faculty focus on
performance standards and student outcomes.(111)
The principals also said that many existing school accountability systems
require reporting on things like student attendance, teacher-student
contact time, credit hours in each subject and teacher attendance rates.
The desire to show "good" statistics in these kinds of categories may get
in the way of some types of reforms, they said. For instance, teacher
attendance at school may become a goal that impedes teacher training.
Credit hours per subject is not reflective of multi-disciplinary teaching
methods. And targets for the number of hours teachers and students
spend together may discourage teacher preparation and coordination
time. The principals urged that ill-fitting accountability requirements be
replaced with indicators more in line with reform efforts.(112)
The second step, designing incentives, can be tricky. Incentives have
to be specifically linked to the desired outcome or the results may go
awry. One book provides the example of a Soviet nail factory that
wanted to receive its reward for reaching its production quota of 10
metric tons of nails without having to work hard. It did so, producing 10
nails, each weighing one metric ton.(113)
Incentives can come at many different levels. Personal incentives
include salary adjustments or bonuses. School-site incentives may
include one-time awards that may be spent without restriction, increased
autonomy from oversight and broad flexibility in designing programs.
Districts may be given incentives similar to those for schools. Incentives
may also be crafted to respond to different types of performances.
Some may be straight awards for reaching a set goal; others may be
granted for achieving some level of improvement over prior performance.
Moving forward with the two-step process described above requires political consensus that is often difficult to achieve. Experts on education accountability explain:
Decisions about accountability are intensely political. They carry within them policy makers' understandings of what state responsibility for education means: what schools must deliver and what the state must guarantee they deliver. Decisions about those indicators, and the consequences related to their achievement, are profoundly important to local educators, to key stakeholders and their associations, and to policy makers. One would expect the existing array of political interests to have difficulty adjusting to a new distribution of expectations, power and authority.(114)
These experts identify five main challenges for states in revamping their
accountability systems:
Making systems understandable -- Teachers, students and others must understand what they have to do to meet standards. The system has to be direct enough for people to comply and straightforward enough to allow revision, when necessary. In addition, poorly understood systems are unlikely to generate sustained support, from either educators, politicians or the public.
Resolving issues of fairness -- Should schools be penalized or rewarded for performance when they are not in control of all factors that contribute to student success? If socio-economic backgrounds are taken into account, does that represent an unacceptable lowering of standards and expectations that is discriminatory? States need to answer these kinds of questions within the context of whether their accountability systems are designed to inspire better performance or to force the allocation of more resources to poor performing schools -- or both.
Focusing incentives for improvement -- Creating the proper incentives is a complex task. They can have unintended consequences. They lose their power if they are either too difficult to achieve or too easy to win. States must decide whether incentives will be aimed only at poor performers who improve or also at high achievers who sustain their success.
Developing state capacity -- There is a substantial investment required in creating and maintaining assessment systems so they are accurate and meaningful. Goals and capacities must be aligned for accountability systems to work.
Creating a stable political environment for reform -- Accountability that is results-based is a long-term project. Success depends on sustained political support for reforms, as they take hold, are measured and then revised.
Despite the difficulties highlighted, however, researchers found positive effects in the two states they studied, Kentucky and Mississippi. They wrote:
In both states, the attention to accountability has resulted in desperately needed additional state support for education. The attention to accountability has resulted in a new public dialogue around schools and student performances, in part because of close scrutiny by the press in its new role of messenger of results. Public attention on high-performing and low-performing schools and districts is highlighting model practices and is ensuring that poor practices begin to change.(115)
In short, while not perfect, the move to new accountability systems
appears to be bringing positive results.
Summary
Education accountability is focused on inputs and processes not
connected to the desired outcome -- graduates with solid skills and
knowledge. Redirecting accountability can help schools and educators
focus their attention on the end result. Such a shift cannot occur as
long as the State has a system that generously rewards process
compliance with dollars and pays scant attention financially to either
academic success or failure.
But changing accountability systems is not easy. Goals need to be
clearly described, assessments need to accurately measure results, and
incentives and sanctions need to be linked in a meaningful fashion to
actions that increase student learning.
Accountability that depends on inputs, like teacher-student ratios, and
easily measured outputs, like attendance, is much easier to track and
enforce -- and therefore is difficult for policy makers to give up. But
these mechanisms divert resources and attention away from educational
tasks. The challenge for the State is to shift from one system to another
in a way that maximizes both citizen confidence in school performance
and flexibility at the local level to meet educational needs.
Recommendations
Recommendation 5: Once academic performance standards and
assessment systems are in place, the Governor and the Legislature should
ensure that the State's education accountability system shifts to outcomes.
Educators should not have to struggle to meet the demands of two
accountability systems: the existing one that focuses on processes that
are largely unrelated to academic achievement and the new one that will
surely be the natural consequence of implementing statewide standards
and tests. Instead, the State should take steps to make sure that fiscal
accountability is focused on meaningful activities. These steps could
include creating rewards -- such as incentive bonuses -- and sanctions --
including an academic bankruptcy process -- to encourage better focus
on academic performance.